The Association of Prostitution with the Origin of Tango Dancing (Was Tango Born in the Brothels or in the Conventillos?)

• It is a common belief in the general public that tango originated in the brothels of Buenos Aires. Some aficionados and investigators of tango have objected to this view, stating instead that tango originated in the conventillos (tenements), either admitting or denying that tango dancing was subsequently found in the brothels. Several scholarly investigations of the origins of tango and related social phenomena reveal a more complicated landscape. It is apparent that both legal and illegal prostitution were widespread in late 19^th century Buenos Aires. It is also apparent that there were numerous dance salons called ‘academias’ or ‘peringundines’ where the popular dances of the era were danced. Many investigators believe these were clandestine brothels. From the evidence available from accessible documents in late 19^th century Buenos Aires, certain characteristics emerge. The data indicate that by the latter decades of the 19^th century there was a dance called ‘tango’ that was danced in the academias. It is likely that at least some of the women hired as dancers in the academias were prostitutes and they probably advertised their services therein; however, there is insufficient evidence indicating that sexual commerce occurred on the premises. However, there is documentation indicating there were sometimes house of prostitution nearby academias. It also appears unlikely that tango dancing was commonplace or even occurred at all in licensed houses of prostitution. There is abundant evidence that tango dancing occurred on the patios of the conventillos and in street dances; however, it cannot be determined from this evidence whether tango dancing occurred there prior to its appearance in the academias. Notably, there is considerable uncertainty in drawing reliable conclusions regarding the time and place of the origin of tango dancing. This uncertainty is due in part to a lack of complete information regarding tango dancing and the social conditions associated with it during this era. A particularly unresolvable dilemma in identifying the origins of tango is specifying a definition of tango dancing that can be applied in this investigation. The deficiencies of historical data and the lack of attention to scientific methodology by investigators of the origins of tango dancing create significant uncertainty regarding the origins of tango and its association with prostitution. Therefore, an accurate representation of the origins of tango dancing would require refraining from asserting its association with prostitution, or even claiming a specific origin elsewhere.  

“Tango was born in the brothels of Buenos Aires”

This proclamation has been made repeatedly, in one form or another, in numerous media outlets such as the popular press (A Dance Born in the Brothels), travel web sites (The Dark Origins of Sumptuous Tango), cultural web sites (Tango Mania from Brothel to Concert Hall), dance web sites (The Early Days of Tango), and personal blogs (Inventors of the Tango).

Some accounts (Trio Garufa; Wondersmith) have claimed that men danced tango with prostitutes; others (Pura Aventura; History of Tango) have stated that men danced with men inside the brothels with musicians playing tango music, while waiting for prostitutes to provide services; some reports (PBS) have stated that both conditions existed.

In some cases the argument of the association of tango with prostitution has been supported by stating that the dance movements of the early tango were aggressive and sexual in nature, resembling the subjugation of prostitutes by their pimps (Flodance; Pura Aventura; PBS) or competition between men to obtain sexual favors from women (Pura Aventura). Some reports have asserted that the origin of tango in the brothels is implicated by noting that the titles of early instrumental tangos contained sexual innuendos (Pura Aventura; Brisbane House of Tango) and that the lyrics of early tangos often dealt with prostitution (Mente Argentina).

To a significant degree, acceptance of the idea that tango was born in the brothels of Buenos Aires emanates from the assertions of highly respected Argentine author Jorge Luis Borges, who in his 1955 essay ‘Historia del Tango’, based on his interviews of tango songwriters and others involved with tango, wrote (Borges 1955, republished in translation in Di Giovanni 1984: 132-133):

• … my informants agreed about one essential fact: that tango originated in the brothels.… There is no lack of further confirmation: the lasciviousness of the dance steps; the sexual connotation of certain titles (“El choclo” [the corn cob], “El fierrazo” [the big rod]; the fact, which as a boy I myself observed … that it was danced on street corners by male couples, because decent women would have no part of such a wonton dance.  

The proliferation of statements such as these has led to the belief in the general public, as well as among many tango dancers, that tango originated in houses of prostitution in Buenos Aires in the late 19^th century.

The claim that tango dancing originated in houses of prostitution has been disputed adamantly by several commentators on the history of tango, including Ricardo Garcia Blaya, Christine Denniston, and Eran Braverman. In contrast to the assertion that tango had its origins in the brothels, numerous popular media reports have claimed that tango originated on the patios of crowded tenement housing called ‘conventillos’ (World Music Central; DanceFacts; Mis Destinos Favoritos).

In this post, the evidence for the association of tango dancing with prostitution in Buenos Aires in the late 19^th century is examined, taking into account the nature of the sources of information and the methodology utilized in obtaining this information. Two main hypotheses are examined – the origin of tango dancing was in the brothels vs. the origin of tango dancing was in the conventillos. In addition, the evidence for the association of tango dancing with prostitution, regardless of its origin, is also examined.

The Status of Prostitution in Buenos Aires in the Late 19^th Century

An extensive study of prostitution in Buenos Aires in the late 19^th century has been conducted by Donna Guy (Guy 1990), currently Professor Emeritus at the Ohio State University; her research interests have focused on Latin American history and women, gender, and sexuality history. Most of the description of sexual commerce in this post is derived from her published study.

Prostitution existed in Buenos Aires since colonial times, as it has in the overwhelming majority of urban societies. However, with the influx of a large predominantly male immigrant population in the last half of the 19^th century (Guy 1990: p 40), the shortage of women and the consequent scarcity of opportunity for men to have sexual contact with women, led to increased male demand for prostitution and increased female profitability in engaging in sexual commerce. Female entry into prostitution was due largely to limited wage labor opportunities available to women (p 45), as well as to sex trafficking involving the enslavement of young female immigrants brought to Buenos Aires from Europe (p 7).

Prostitution was legalized in Buenos Aires in 1875 (p 38), in order to control it. Legal prostitution was confined to certain geographic areas, and medical examination of prostitutes was required in an attempt to limit the spread of venereal diseases (p 50). Brothels and prostitutes were required by law to register and pay fees; most registered prostitutes were foreign born (p 62). High registration fees and the requirement of medical exams created favorable conditions for the spread of clandestine houses of prostitution (clandestinos), which reportedly operated in the public eye as cafes, casinos, circuses, confiterias, tobacco shops, as well as within hotels, inns, and private residences (pp 53, 67, 142) and, most importantly for the topics of interest here, in dance halls (academias and peringundines, and cafes with dance salons in the back) (p 142; Benzecry Sabá 2015: 41). Increased government control over prostitution over time is believed to have led to an increased prevalence of prostitution in clandestine operations (Guy 1990: p 59); however, these unlicensed sites for sexual commerce were at risk for being fined or closed down, although enforcement was somewhat arbitrary and therefore incomplete (p 54). Both legal and clandestine houses of prostitution were concentrated in poorer neighborhoods in the outer barrios and arrabales (suburbs) (p 48). Although the overwhelming majority of clients were working class men, young men from the upper classes also frequented brothels (Guy p 46; Collier 1995: p 50; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 38). 

The association of tango dancing with prostitution, as well as its existence independent from it during the late 19^th century in Buenos Aires, is examined in greater detail below.          

Characterization of Conventillos in 19^th Century Buenos Aires

The alternative site hypothesized for the origin of tango is the conventillo. The conventillo in 19^th century Buenos Aires has been described as high density lower class housing consisting of a collection of small rooms surrounding a central courtyard or ‘patio’. Many were located in the southern part of Buenos Aires. Some of these were originally the dwellings of wealthier porteños, who abandoned them to move further north in the city as a result of the 1871 yellow fever epidemic (Collier 1995: p 35; Gonzales & Yanes 2013: pp 23-24; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 43; Billiken); they were subdivided for high density housing as poorer residents moved in. In the subsequent immigration surge the conventillos were settled primarily by immigrants from Europe (Labraña & Sebastian 2000: p 20; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 43). Gonzales & Yanes (2013: p 24) note that migrants from the Argentine countryside also settled in the conventillos; they also state that the inhabitants of conventillos were mostly men aged 15 to 30. Some accounts (Collier 1995: p 38; Billiken) place conventillos in barrios near central Buenos Aires, whereas other accounts (Baim 2007: p 19; Gonzales & Yanes 2013: p 24; Cuidadania Italiana; Mis Destinos Favoritos) place conventillos in the southern barrio of La Boca, adjacent to the harbor at that time, where replicas can be seen today as a tourist attraction (GPSMYCITY); Andrews (1980: p 80) states that blacks lived in conventillos in Montserrat, closer to central Buenos Aires, until the 1870s, when they were pushed out by European immigrants (see also Labraña & Sebastian 2000: p 19). The conclusion from these accounts is that conventillos permeated at least several poor barrios of Buenos Aires in the late 19^th century.

Social Dancing in Late 19^th Century Buenos Aires

There were social dances in 19^th century Buenos Aires prior to the birth of tango. European immigrants brought polka, mazurka, schottische and waltz with them (Collier 1995: pp 40-41; Benzecry Sabá 2015: pp 27-30). The habanera, of Cuban and Spanish influence, but with an uncertain (or circuitous) route of entry into Buenos Aires (Benzecry Sabá 2015: pp 28-29; Labraña & Sebastian 2000: p 31) was also danced in mid-19^th century Buenos Aires social dance environments. In poorer communities, many social dances were held in primitive outdoor settings, such as in urban streets and plazas (Baim 2007: pp 25, 28; Gonzales & Yanes 2013: p 28; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 41), and cleared fields with dirt as a dance surface (Collier 1995: p 47); several authors have stated that social dancing occurred in the patios of the conventillos (Labraña & Sebastian 2000: p 35; Baim 2007: p 26; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 43)

In the early 19^th century the term ‘academia’ designated locales for dance instruction in Buenos Aires (Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 17, Lamas & Binda 2019: pp 22-23). However, by 1830 there appeared ‘academias’ (or ‘casas de baile’) that were sites for social dancing, not instruction (Lamas & Binda: p 23).

By the 1840s some academias in poorer neighborhoods were recognized by police as being sites for disreputable behavior such as drunkenness and knife fights (Lamas & Binda 2019: pp 25-26, 28). During the 1860s academias in lower class neighborhoods began to be called ‘peringundines’ (also ‘piringundines’) (Lamas & Binda 2019: p 43; Benzecry Sabá 2015: p 33). By this time, reports of socially unacceptable behavior in these dance halls were common. Lamas & Binda (p 38) quote from the national archives (Archivo General de la Nación) an 1867 report of dancers exiting from such a dance hall inebriated, loud, using obscene language, even urinating in the streets, greatly disturbing residents of the neighborhood. In an apparent but unstated citation of a quote from Lamas & Binda (p 39), Benzecry Sabá states regarding peringundines (p 41):

• According to police records, these establishments had space for about 200 dancers, who at the end of the night would spill onto the sidewalks drunk, with their arms around ‘smoking women’, and talking loudly enough to provoke complaints from neighbors.

There were also cafes with dance salons in the back, apparently hidden from view and out of earshot, where social dancing occurred (Lamas & Binda: pp 56-57; Benzecry Sabá: p 41). 

According to Lamas & Binda (p 46), it is not clear how dancers danced in the dance halls (casas de baile, academias, peringundines, cafes) of Buenos Aires in the mid-19^th century. However, it is believed that numerous dances, including polka, mazurka, habanera and schottische were integrated into the repertoire of dances in these dance establishments (Baim: p 43; Benzecry Sabá: p 38). Benzecry Sabá also claims (p 38) that by the 1860s a primitive form of tango was probably danced in the academias; some steps characteristic of later dancing identified as tango (e.g., corte, quebrada, media vuelta, forward ocho) were already apparent by this time. With regard to the historical date of appearance of tango dancing, Benzecry Sabá states (p 35)

• … it is reasonable to assume that the tango … already carried the stamp of the Rio de la Plata by the mid-nineteenth century.  

Collier (1995: p 45) notes that milonga (considered by him and others to be the predecessor of tango) was described as existing in the 1880s. Baim (2007: p 19) also considers the first glimpses of tango to have appeared in the 1880s. Lamas and Binda (2019: pp 173, 181) argue that the origins of tango are obscure and one can only identify when the word ‘tango’ became part of popular parlance, which appears to have been by the 1880s (p 99).

Hypotheses Regarding the Association of Tango with Prostitution 

This post will evaluate the evidence supporting various hypotheses regarding the association of tango with prostitution in Buenos Aires in the last half of the 19^th century.

(1a) Tango originated in the brothels of Buenos Aires.

Frequently stated without supporting evidence and, as a consequence, often declared as ‘myth’, as discussed previously, interpreted literally support for this hypothesis requires incontrovertible evidence that the (couples social) dance form classified by its practitioners as ‘tango’ first made its appearance in establishments where sexual commerce occurred and not elsewhere. Rejection of this hypothesis requires only evidence of a dance form classifiable as tango having been ideintified as occurring elsewhere prior to its appearance in houses of prostitution. This hypothesis does not require that men danced with prostitutes (i.e., men could have danced only or primarily with other men).

(1b) Tango was highly associated with prostitution by not exclusive to it.

This hypothesis recognizes that tango dancing was prevalent in houses of prostitution, but does not claim that the brothel is the site of origin.  

(1c) Tango dancing was not significantly associated with prostitution.

This hypothesis proposes that the association of prostitution with tango dancing was, at most, incidental, the consequence of both activities being present in the encompassing sociocultural environment, but being associated no more than would be expected by chance.

Therefore, hypotheses (1a-c) in order form a descending ladder of the association of prostitution with tango dancing, from the most affirmative proposing the origin of tango in locales whose primary activity was sexual commerce to a random association.

(2) Tango dancing originated in the patios of the conventillos.

This does not exclude the possibility that tango dancing subsequently made its way into houses of prostitution, but states specifically that it originated in the patios of the conventillos.  

Investigations of the Association of Tango Dancing with Prostitution

Borges’ comments regarding the origin of tango dancing in the brothels have been influential in forming public opinion, but his conclusions were based on conversations with individuals connected with tango dancing to varying degrees a half century or more subsequent to the reputed genesis of the dance.

Numerous investigations of the association of tango dancing with prostitution and other social environments have been conducted in recent decades, and these provide some evidence in favor of and in contradiction to the hypothesis of the brothel origin of tango dancing versus the primary alternative hypothesis offered, that of the origin of tango dancing in the conventillos of poorer barrios in Buenos Aires.

The studies chosen for analysis here are those published since 1990 that are readily available in the United States as books; i.e., they are not out of print. The reports of most of these investigations are written in English, although several are written in Spanish. It is possible that there are additional reports of the type included here, written in Spanish, that are not generally available in the United States.

The scope of the investigations selected for study all address the issue of the association of tango social dancing with prostitution in late 19^th century Buenos Aires, as well as other environments in which tango social dancing occurred during this time period. All of the studies selected identify their sources of information in the text, i.e., not exclusively in a list in a bibliography.

The claims of several of these investigations with regard to tango social dancing, houses of prostitution, and other environments in which tango social dancing reputedly occurred are reported here. The quality of the evidence and therefore the validity of the derived conclusions will be evaluated later in this post. A differentiation is made between assertions of the origins of tango dancing in houses of prostitution from statements of the appearance of tango dancing in this environment without claims of its origin therein. In addition, the degree of certainty expressed by investigators with regard to the occurrence of events and their association is emphasized, as indicated in bold type in quotes from these studies. Any stated interpretations made by these investigators should not be considered to represent the views of the author of this blog until final conclusions are stated at the end of this post.

As mentioned previously, Donna Guy (1990) has provided an intensive investigation of the status of prostitution in Buenos Aires in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries. There is a chapter (‘Tango, Gender, and Politics’) devoted to the association of prostitution with tango dancing. Guy states (p. 142-143):

•      According to traditional accounts, at first men danced with each other because the tango was too erotic for women….
• Prostitutes were the first women to dance the tango. Mixed tango dancing evolved in the bordellos and music halls in the waterfront areas of Buenos Aires and in Montevideo, Uruguay from the 1860s to the 1930s…. [T]he tango often served as a prelude to commercial sex. By the 1870s men frequented urban establishments where female companionship was available for a price. Music halls, romerías (marquees set up for holidays), and even the circus were sites of tangos and sexual assignations. In all these places poor soldiers and immigrant laborers mingled with youthful upper class swells (niños bien) and found opportunities for drinking mischief making, and commercial sex….
• Beneath the veneer of the dance hall lay the true business: commercial sex. The real function of the dancer was to excite clients sexually so they would return for more. 
• In these establishments rural cowboys in town for a visit, sailors and soldiers, and compadritos … danced with waitresses who were usually considered clandestine prostitutes.

Guy quotes (p 143) an 1881 newspaper (La Pampa) article stating that ‘music spots’ (her translation) often were located next to houses of prostitution. 

Thus, with some degree of equivocation (e.g., ‘according to traditional accounts’, ‘usually considered’) Guy surmises that, at first, tango was danced between men and that the first heterosexual tango dance coupling was between prostitutes and their (potential or actual) costumers. This occurred either within the brothels themselves or in music halls (apparently academias) located near brothels.

Notably, in contrast to Denniston’s view that the association of prostitution with dance halls (academias and peringundines) was fortutitous, Guy asserts with apparent certainty (‘true business’, ‘real function’) that the raison d’etre for the dance halls was commercial sex, i.e., they were clandestine (unlicensed) houses of prostitution.

Mike Gonzales, a retired professor of Latin American Studies at Glasgow University, whose writings have focused on socialist revolutionary movements in Latin America, collaborated with Marianella Yanes, a Venezuelan writer, journalist, and playwright, in writing ‘Tango: Sex and Rhythm of the City’ (Gonzales & Yanes, 2013), which focuses on the connection between tango and sex, in particular the association of tango with prostitution. Regarding the origins of tango dancing, Gonzalez & Yanes state (pp 27-28):

•           Only prostitutes danced in the Buenos Aires of the late 19^th century, and they were not allowed into the street. So the men practised as they waited by dancing on the cobbles.
•           This was the birthplace of tango, and these were the actors in the tango drama….
•           There is endless debate and dispute over the origins of tango…. Its provocative movements and bizarre combination of sexuality and distance would seem to confirm the contention of those like the writer Jorge Luis Borges, who insisted that it was a dance exclusive to the brothel. It was surely born in the street, in the cafes and brothels of the port city.     

In agreement with Borges, Gonzales & Yanes emphasize (pp 28-31) that the lyrics of late 19^th century tangos confirm its association with primitive and illicit sexual passions, i.e., with prostitution.

Thus, Gonzalez and Yanes claim a strong association of tango dancing with prostitution, but assert with apparent certainty that the dance originated in the streets outside the brothels and originally was danced by men awaiting access to the brothels. However, they temper the assertion by Borges that tango movements indicate a brothel origin by stating the data ‘seem to confirm’ his contention. 

Simon Collier, former professor of history at Essex Univesity (UK) and at Vanderbilt University (USA), concentrated his research on Latin American history and culture, including the history of tango. He was co-editor of the 1995 book ‘¡Tango!’, which includes his chapter ‘The Tango is Born: 1880 – 1920’, in which the cultural environment and the musical and dance forms (polka, mazurka, schottische, habanera, candombe) that contributed to the mixture that eventually resulted in the evolution of milonga and tango in 19^th century Buenos Aires are discussed. Collier (1995: p 44) claims that tango evolved from milonga. He attributes the evolution of milonga to the actions of compadritos (displaced gauchos), who (in the 1870s) injected elements of black Argentine dances (particularly cortes and quebradas) into existing dances of European origin (pp 44-46). Collier notes that the evolving milonga-tango was danced (p 47):

• [I]n rudimentary dance halls (some with dirt floors, some with tents) and, above all, in and around the brothels, and in those other, more numerous, establishments which were probably often no more than thinly disguised brothels: the so-called academias … and perigundines [sic]…. These were shady cafés, bars or dance-venues where the ‘waitresses’ could also be hired as dancing partners and in many cases, no doubt, as whores….
•      It was in such places, mostly on the poor southern side of Buenos Aires, that the tango’s murky and unchronicled prehistory was lived out.

Collier equivocates in his claim that academias were clandestine brothels, using contradictory modifiers such as ‘probably’ and ‘no doubt’ and ‘inescapable’ (see below: p 48 quote) in stating this association, indicating at least some degree of uncertainty.

Although Collier emphasizes the importance of brothels in the propagation of tango dancing, he makes no specific claim as to whether or not the milonga-tango dance originated outside the brothels before its entry therein or only evolved into that distinct form within the alleged clandestine brothels (i.e., academias and peringundines). Nevertheless, he attributes an important role to the brothels in the spread of this early tango to higher social classes:

• … The connection between the tango and the brothel is inescapable. But prostitution ran right through the social scale, and the tango soon found its way into high-class bordellos… (p 48)
• [F]un-loving young bloods of the 1880s took the new dance from its disreputable surroundings and introduced it into their garconnieres – the apartments they rented for their amorous adventures. (p 50)

Jo Baim, currently assistant organist at Trinity Parish Episcopal Church in Seattle, received a PhD in musicology from the University of Cincinnati. Her dissertation on the history of tango has been published as ‘Tango: Creation of a Cultural Icon’ (Baim, 2007). In a section of the chapter ‘The origin of the tango’ entitled ‘The tango as a social dance’ she states (p 41):

•      The stereotype of a steamy bordello filled with gangsters and ladies of easy virtue all dancing tango as a prelude to other activities is, as far as it goes, probably accurate….
•      The most common venue in the early years of the tango was apparently a sort of combination establishment where one could find drinking, gambling, dancing, and dancing women, some of whom might be prostitutes. These places were variously known as academias, tango bars, and clubs among other names.

Baim suggests the evidence supports the presence of tango dancing in brothels, but also expresses some doubt (‘as far as it goes, probably’, ‘apparently’). Citing previous studies of tango history, Baim also mentions (p 41) that tango was danced in courtyards (likely those of conventillos) and in street dances. Although specific reference is not made to the chronology of appearance of tango dancing in various environments, notably the academias, in which women who may have been prostitutes danced with men, are attributed by Baim to have been the most common site of tango dancing.

Gustavo Benzecry Sabá, born in Buenos Aires, has received a BS in journalism; he is currently a tango dance instructor and conducts research and lectures on the history of tango.

In his book ‘The Quest for the Embrace: The History of Tango Dance 1800 – 1983’ (Benzecry Sabá 2015) he states (p 35) that a dance called ‘tango’ was danced by upper class porteños as early as the 1850s. Benzecry Sabá argues (pp 29-30) that this early version of tango dancing, as well as the popular social dances of polka, mazurka, and candombe contributed movements to the evolving tango dance.

Benzecry Sabá (p 38) attributes the association of tango dancing with prostitution in the academias to previous reports rather than specifically drawing the conclusion himself:

• According to the chronicles, this is where local men and immigrants of all social classes came to dance the polka, mazurka, schottische, habanera, and likely the primitive tango, among other rhythms, the goal being to socialize and have fun with the prostitutes.

However, apparently with a greater degree of certainly, Benzecry Sabá claims (p 41)

• … (A)t night people of all classes and nationalities met at academias-peringundines and in cafes with dance salons in the back. Many of these… allowed prostitutes from the port to act as dancers and stir up business with their compatriots…. (p 41)
• … (W)omen principally tended to be, or were forced to become prostitutes, hired as dancers with the object of providing for the clientele. (p 48)

Benecry Sabá argues for the strong association of tango with prostitution, while being circumspect but confident in attributing its prior origin to an unspecified location outside of the brothel:

• Tango was not born in the brothel, but found its identity there…. (p 41)
• Tango achieved its greatest popularity in the academias that were transformed into peringundines. (p 48)

Luis Labraña & Ana Sebastian address the origins of tango in their book ‘Tango: Una Historia’ (Labraña & Sebastian, 2000). Labraña, born in Buenos Aires, is a graduate of the linguistics program at the University of Amsterdam, and has been the Academic Secretary of the National Academy of Tango in Buenos Aires; his specializations have been in linguistics and urban culture. Sebastian, also born in Buenos Aires, received her degree from the University of Amsterdam, and has been Vice President of the National Academy of Tango in Buenos Aires.

Labraña & Sebastian construct a narrative of the history of tango, built around the interaction of displaced gauchos from the pampas, blacks, and European immigrants in the tenements (conventillos) of Buenos Aires and Montevideo. They assert (p 25) that the mixture of the musical heritages of black music (e.g., candombe), milonga, and habanera gave rise to a new musical form that was eventually called ‘tango’. They state (p 23) with certainty that tango originated in the conventillos, not the brothels, and that the concept that tango was a product of the brothels is false:

• … acuñó el falso concepto de que el tango era un producto del quilombo, inventado por putas y ladrones.
•      El tango nació en el conventillo.

According to Labraña & Sebastian, the tango dance evolved as an adaptation of the habanera dance by young blacks, whites, and mulattos, who borrowed movements from the dances of the black barrios (p 33):

• … (E)l tango-danza se originó como una forma particular de bailar la habanera que empleaban los jóvenes negros, blancos o mulatos, oriundos de los barrios del tambor.   

They also state that in the early days of the evolution of the tango dance, it spread to houses of prostitution, where it developed its definitive personality (p 35):

• El tango, nacido en los conventillos del barrio del tambor, arribó asi, en su juventid, a los prostíbulos … y adquirió su personalidad definitiva.  

Nevertheless, tango remained in its original sites in the barrios outside of the brothels (pp 35-36).

Labraña & Sebastian assert (p 37) that the legend of the origin of tango in the brothels emanates from the visits of upper class ‘niños bien’ to the brothels of downtown Buenos Aires, where the upper classes first encountered tango:

• A estos prostíbulos porteños de las calles Libertad, Junín, Lavalle, etc., concurrían para matizar sus farras, los ‘niños bien’ de la alta sociedad…. Las clases medias y altas argentinas tomaron contacto por primera vez con el tango en el burdel…. Así creció esa leyenda tan difundida y tan falsa de que el tango es un producto prostibulario.

None of these claims of Labraña & Sebastian are stated with any degree of uncertainty.

Hugo Lamas and Enrique Binda conducted an intensive investigation of written records from late 19^th centrury and early 20^th century Buenos Aires, including government documents, police reports, and newspaper and magazine articles, in order to ascertain the social condtions under which tango originated; their results were published in the 1998 book ‘El tango en la sociedad porteña 1880 – 1920’ (3^rd ed., published in 2019 quoted here). Lamas (psuedonym for Hugo Alberto Vainikoff: 1939 – 1999) was a historian and instructor, as well as cofounder of the ‘Buenos Aires Tango’ magazine. Enrique Binda (b 1946) has been a civil engineer who has been strongly affiliated with tango; he has been a historical researcher, as well as a collector of publications regarding tango and 78 rpm tango records. He has been an instructor in La Academia Nacional del Tango.     

Lamas & Binda (2019: p 289) argue that advocates of the brothel origin of tango have based their arguments on faulty evidence: 

• Los adscriptos a los ‘orígenes’ prostibularios, traen ejemplos o supuestas pruebas falsas.

They claim (p 100) that the mythology of the brothel origins of tango has persisted because public interest has maintained this exotic tale. 

• Aquello tan mentado de haber sido el tango en estos años propio y exclusivo ‘de prostitutas, rufianes y compadritos’, no guarda relación con este documento. Para algunos, mitología resulta mas fascinante que historia… La primera es cuestión de simple inventiva, permitiendo hablar de personajes y hechos exóticos. La segunda, exige consultar papeles trabajosos de hallar, lo cual parece no ser tan placentero.

Regarding brothels, Lamas & Binda state (p 283) that they existed for the purpose of sexual commerce, not dancing. There was insufficient space in the brothels for both dancing and sexual activity; dancing in the brothels would diminish the profitability of the business (p 284):

• … para ser rentable y contar con un conjunto de músicos, debería haber sitio para ellos y los bailarines además de numerosas mujeres, para repartir entre supuestas actividades danzantes y la propiamente prostibularia….
•      Otro aspecto está vinculado con la obvia actividad específica de los burdeles. Parecería irse a ellos a componer, ejecutar y bailar tangos. La rentabilidad de los locales se fundaba en el comercio sexual; de emplear masivamente su tiempo las pupilas bailando con clientes, dejarían de serlo los asistentes.

Lamas & Binda note (p 283) that there was strict government regulation of both dancing and prostitution; if there was music or dancing in the brothels without police intervention, it would be considered failure of duty:

•      Desde su fundacion el baile y la prostitución estuvieron regladas, directa o indirectamente. La maraña de edictos policiales y municipales prohibiendo hacer música, simplemente música, ni tan siquiera bailes, son terminantes. En cuanto a los prostíbulos o sitios en los cuales se ejerciera tal actividad, era draconianos….
•      Si había música o bailes en los prostíbulos, violando expresas disposiciones prohibitivas sin que interviniese la autoridad policial, sería por corrupta, inepta o inexistente. Si los funcionarios municipales y legislativos tampoco tomaban cartas en el asunto, ídem.

In all of the quotations above, as is charactertistic throughout much of their publication, Lamas & Binda derive conclusions with resolute certainty. Nevertheless, there are some issues for which they admit there exist some degree of uncertainty.

Specifically, Lamas & Binda address an apparent weakness in the argument that tango dancing was associated with prostitution, i.e., the uncertainty regarding the first appearance of tango (p 282):

• Lo primero a determinar hubiese sido cuándo nació; sobre ello no dicen nada basado en pruebas. Recordemos ser el vacablo en el siglo XIX sumamente escaso en los registros habidos.… Asi, hablan de algo que saben cuándo surgió ni qué era.

The origin of tango is uncertain because descriptions of the qualities of popular dancing in the era (late 19^th century) were unclear (p 46):

• Hay dos cosas que hasta ahora no surgen con claidad: qué y cómo se bailaba en los bailes populares.

Although Lamas & Binda deny the existence of evidence that tango dancing occurred in houses of prostitution, and that academias were clandestine brothels, they do make some concessions to the possibility that there may have been some association of dancing of some kind with sexual commerce in late 19^th century Buenos Aires. They recognize that some academias were located in neighborhoods with brothels (p 28); in some cases it was difficult to determine if an establishment was an academia or a brothel (p 41):

• La zona estaba poblada de prostíbulos, siendo los autorizados dieciocho, detectándose que en cuatro de ellos se bailaba en 1859. A partir de entonces es difícil determiner a priori cuál local es academia o prostíbulo.

The terminology in police reports in the 1870s often conflated prostitutes with dancers (p 65):

• Veamos ahora el tema de las bailarinas de los sitios clandestinos. Los partes policiales hasta la década del ’70, comiezan a calificar a las prostitutas de dos maneras: como rameras y como bailarinas.

Lamas & Binda claim that public perception regarding the presence of prostitution in the academias was based on a number of misperceptions and ill-derived conclusions. Women dancing in the academias exhinbited behavior that was otherwise considered disreputable, such as smoking, drinking, public displays of affection, and even, at times, engaging in knife fights (pp 37-40). The idea that activities in peringundines were ‘immoral’ led to assumptions there was sexual activity but, according to Lamas & Binda, the behavior was just that of ill-mannered people (p 60):

• Asimismo al uso de la inveterada visíon de época, se introducen como calificativos conceptos de otro orden como ‘inmoralidad’ y ‘degradante corrupcíon’, emparentados con las mentadas ‘lubricidades’ y ‘bajezas’ según otras cronistas. Quitados de contextos o tomados aisladamente y leídos con mentalidad actual, estos documentos podrían erróneamente inducir a teorizar sobre actividades y escándalos de orden sexual. Vemos no ser así; hoy día en vez de llamar a tales personas ‘lúbricos’ or ‘inmorales’, simplemente diríamos ‘gente mal educada’

The use of the ‘lata’ (a type of ‘coin’ or ‘token’) as payment for sexual services in the brothel, as well as for a dance in the academias may have been misinterpreted (p 60):

• Ayudaría a caer en el error la mención de la famosa ‘lata’ con que se pagaba el baile, idéntica denominación del medio empleado en los burdeles, como ‘pase’ entregado a la pupila para llevar a cabo la cópula. Anteriormente, la palabra era de empleo usual en las confiterías … como comprobante de servicio y pago entre el cajero y los mozos.

Specifically regarding the origin of tango dancing, Lamas & Binda argue that if tango was danced in the academias it was because it was one of the popular dances at the time, not proof that it originated there; like the other dances, it would have originated elsewhere previously (p 289):

• Si en ellas se bailó el tango, en caso de existir según la época de la cual hablemos, es lógico haberlo hecho como con cualquier otra danza de moda. Lo increible seria lo contrario, que no se bailase el repertorio de géneros musicales del momento; si el tango lo integraba, habría sido un contrasentido haberlo excluido.

Lamas & Binda do not claim to know the specific site of origin of tango dancing, i.e., for the purpose of the hypotheses tested here, whether or not it originated in the conventillos; however, they do take into account when the word ‘tango’ appeared in written documents (p 173):

• Respondemos en parte las inquietudes relativas a la necesidad de un comienzo, entendiéndose por esto no el momento exacto de su aparación, ni tan siquiera el o los lugares donde el hecho acaeció. Para nosotros ‘comienzo’, significa a partir de cuándo el vocablo ‘tango’ se transformó en algo reconcible como tal.  

Lamas & Binda argue that prior to an appearance in the peringundines [apparently in the 1880s (pp 42-44)], tango dancing had already made its appearance in the theatre (pp 98-99), and in street dances and carnivals (p 103).

Thus, with little expression of doubt, Lamas & Binda (2019) make the strongest case for tango being absent from the brothels in the late 19^th century, and although tango was probably included in the dances of the peringundines, that the academias and peringundines were unlikely to be locales within which sexual commerce transpired, although they recognize that houses of prostitution may have been in the neighborhood. They refrain from any affirmation that some of the women dancing in the peringundines were prostitutes. Therefore, solely from the investigations of Lamas & Binda, based on extensive review of documents from late 19^th century Buenos Aires, one is drawn toward the conclusion that prostitution did not coincide spatially and temporally with tango dancing.

Evaluating the Quality of Information Reported in Previous Investigations of the Origin of Tango

The investigations of tango origins cited above are, in some sense, a significant improvement over popular accounts of tango origins that typically make broad, sweeping generalizations regarding these origins, without providing substantiating evidence. These reports do provide some documentation in support of their conclusions regarding tango origins. Nevertheless, there are different types and degrees of quality of evidence that can be brought to bear in this context. In order to evaluate more objectively the environmental conditions under which the early tango was danced, it becomes necessary to consult the most direct sources of information available (i.e., those closest in time and space to its inception). It is most desirable to access primary sources (e.g., first hand accounts of events, original documents, interviews of event participants), as these are usually considered to be most accurate. However, secondary sources (books, professional journal articles), which add a level of interpretation to information obtained from primary sources, particularly when comparative, can be illuminating in evaluating the information drawn from primary sources. When primary sources of information are nonexistent or scarce, indirect evidence (facts consistent or inconsistent with logical analysis) is often used to support an assertion.

Verifiable documentation is essential in any research report; i.e., direct citations of sources with page numbers should be included in the text, rather than merely providing a list of references in a bibliography. Direct quotation of sources engenders additional confidence in accurate representation of source material.   

Sources of Information Utilized in Studies of the Origins of Tango Dancing

The investigations of the association of tango dancing with prostitution reported above vary in the citation of sources of information. Therefore the confidence that can be placed in the conclusions drawn regarding this association and related phenomena of interest here is affected to varying degrees due to the ability to verify the accuracy of the data presented and the inferences drawn. The relative credibility of assertions made in the investigations reported above is discussed below, based upon the characteristics of citation of source material.

The source citations of Benzecry Sabá (2015) are a hodgepodge of types of reference in the text to primary and secondary sources, with none including page references, and some missing dates of publication. Not all references in the text are included in the Bibliography at the end of the book. Apparent citations of primary sources include references to periodicals and police reports. Quotations appear to be derived primarily from secondary sources, including Vicente Gesualdo (Historia de la musica en la Argentina, Vol 2. 1852-1900. Buenos Aires: Editorial Beta S.R.L. 1961), Carlos Vega (Danzas y canciones argentinas. Buenos Aires. G. Ricordi, 1936), as well as from Lamas & Binda (1998 edition). The vague references to source material and the indirect citation of primary sources create some doubt concerning the accuracy of the data reported in this investigation.

Gonzalez & Yanes (2013) provide citations to source material in the text, in some cases with page numbers listed; there is a Reference section at the end of the book linked to specific citations. All references are to secondary sources. The confidence that can be placed on conclusions drawn from this study is limited due to omission of citation of primary sources.

Collier (1995) cites several secondary sources (with page references) in the text, linked to a Notes section at the end of the edited volume. Collier relies to some degree on José Gobello (Cronica general del Tango, Buenos Aires, 1980) for information on tango history, including the latter author’s primary references to ‘Viejo Tanguero’, whose recollections based on observations of tango dancing in 1877 were published in a 1913 article in the Buenos Aires newspaper Critica, as well as to a quote from an 1883 publication by Ventura Lynch, a student of dance in Buenos Aires during the late 19^th century. Confidence in conclusions drawn from this study is also limited due to limited reference to primary sources.

Labraña & Sebastian (2000) provide citations to source material as footnotes to the text, but in most cases they do not reference the specific pages of the publications from which their information was obtained. Most of the references are to secondary sources, with some reliance on Gesualdo (op. cit.), although there are several citations of primary sources from the late 19^th century, with page numbers included. Therefore, the confidence that can be placed in conclusions drawn varies with the issue addressed.

In the Bibliography Guy (1990) lists primary sources from late 19^th century Buenos Aires, most of which are government reports with information on demographics (e.g., census data), laws governing prostitution, police reports on prostitution, and health statistics regarding veneral disease; these comprise numbered citations in the text with referral to a Notes section at the end of the book. With respect to tango, Guy relies entirely upon secondary sources, in particular Blas Matamoro (La ciudad del tango: Tango histórico y sociedad; 2^nd ed. Buenos Aires: Galena, 1982) and Manuel Pampin (ed., La historia del tango. Vol. 1. Sus orígines; Buenos Aires: Corregidor, 1976). Thus, Guy’s assertions regarding prostitution are probably as accurate as the primary source material utilized, but conclusions regarding tango dancing are limited by the quality of the secondary sources.

Baim (2007) cites, with page references, several secondary sources from the 20^th century, linked with a Notes section at the end of the book, with some reliance on the publications of Donald Castro (The Argentine Tango as Social History. 1880-1955. San Francisco: Edward Mellen Research University Press. 1991), and Vicente Gesualdo (Historia de la musica en la Argentina, op. cit.; La musica en el Argentina. Buenos Aires: Editorial Stella. 1988). Baim provides some quotes from 19^th century primary sources that were reproduced in her secondary sources. Baim also cites directly some primary sources from the late 19^th century, including recollections from the 1880s of Buenos Aires police chief Adolfo Batiz regarding prostitution and other behavior violating social norms, published in the early 1900s. Baim also quotes (in translation) some information on social dancing reported in newspapers of the era, either directly from the primary source or from a secondary source. This is an improvement in citation of primary source material compared to the studies mentioned previously.

Lamas & Binda (2019), in their citations, rely almost entirely upon primary sources from the late 19^th century (mostly government documents, police reports, articles from periodicals), including Archivo General de la Nacion (General Achive of the Nation), Archivo Policial (Police Archive), Centro Historico Policial (Police Historical Center), Biblioteca Nacional (National Library), as well as private document collections, with extensive quotation, which include dates of release of information and page numbers, where available. Their references to secondary sources is primarily in criticism of the methods and conclusions drawn by previous authors, with considerable focus on the work of Héctor Bates & Luis Bates (La Historia del Tango; Tall. Graf. de la Cia General Fabril Financiera, Buenos Aires, 1936).

With regard to the research methods utilized by previous researchers in the investigation of early tango history, Lamas & Binda are highly dismissive. They criticize (p 14) the lack of verifiable documentation (i.e., primary sources) in the treatment of historical issues:   

• De la bibliografía habida sobre el tema, si algo hemos apredido es que no da repuesta a ningún aspecto de la cuestión ni se basa en documentación verificable. Enseña acerca de improbables sucesos, repetidos a voluntad de los escritores merced a la falta de investigación rigurosa y metódica sobre lo tratado. En resumen, hemos aprendido… que así no se puede ni debe tratar un tema histórico.

Lamas & Binda criticize (p 14) previous authors for citing secondary sources, typically providing an extensive bibliography of these works, which impresses the reader, but fails to meet the standards of scientific research in providing documentation from primary sources with references at the end of each chapter or as footnotes on each page. They argue that specific data provided from primary sources should also be presented to allow verification of the information used to draw conclusions.

• Cualquier obra cientifica debe contener un cuerpo documental verificable. De no tenerlo, no sólo pierde tal carácter, sino se hace sospecha de provenir… de otras: son los tristemente famosos ‘libros de libros’.
• El lector común no tiene obligación de conocer algunos secretos del oficio. Por ello cuando al final de un libro observe un enorme listado de obras, las cuales el autor dice haber consultado, sepa está frente al llamado aparato erudite. En general, resulta destinado a impresionar al lector desprevenido, implicado obviedad: es obligación del historiador estar al día con lo editado en la materia, saber hasta qué punto se ha avanzado o esclarecido. Caso contrario, correría el riesgo de dar como novedad algo escrito o conocido.
• A su vez cuando no halle constancias documentales al final de cada capítulo, o ni siquiera datos mínimos a pié de página, ha de inferir ser un libro confeccionado en base a otros, lo qual le quita valor científico; resulta mera literatura.
• Deben darse los datos concretos de cada documento consultado, de manera de permitir su verificación o reconsulta, por parte de quien desee o necesite hacerlo.

Lamas & Binda assert (p 16) that their work consists only of the demonstration of the facts derived from documents of the era. This contrasts with the repetition of opinions of previous authors, which provides no new information (p 18):

• Más fácil que encarar la búsqueda de novedosa información, resulta ‘darles manija’ a quienes se supone han clarificado el problema. Aunque sospechen que quizá no sea veraz tal supuesta claraficación, repitiendo un referente previa y acordadamente ‘investido’ con tal carácter, problema solucionado…

Based solely on the criterion of reliance on primary sources, one easily can give maximum credence to the evidence and interpretations of Lamas & Binda (2019), although one must also make into account that Baim (2007) relies significantly upon primary sources, and that, Guy (1990) provides significant detail regarding prostitution in late 19^th century Buenos Aires from primary sources. 

Notably, given the methodology they utilize, Lamas & Binda declare that their work is scientific (p 21):

• Nuestra obligación es decir la verdad, no imponerla. Se puede plantear ‘lo venido a ganas’, a condición de poder demostrarlo y ser verificable. Por ello nuestro trabajo es un artículo cientifico, no panfleto o mercadería comercial.

Characteristics of Scientific Research

Given that Lamas & Binda claim their research is scientific, it is imperative to elaborate upon the characteristics of scientific research. The scientific method involves initially making observations and formulating hypotheses regarding the association between factors of interest (induction), followed by further data collection designed to test the derived hypotheses (deduction). Discrepancies of observed results from those predicted by a hypothesis may lead to revisions in the hypothesis or, if discrepancies are significant, to its rejection.  

In order to draw valid conclusions from research, it is essential to minimize bias in the collection of information and the interpretation of the obtained data. Proper methods of selection of data for analysis minimize bias. Presumably all cases of interest are either unavailable for selection or the number of cases in the population is too large to sample given available resources. A scientific researcher needs to specify the sampling frame for the study, i.e., create a list of all the cases that are available for sampling (assuming this is possible). Criteria for inclusion and exclusion of cases for selection should be specified (inclusion & exclusion criteria), e.g., range of dates of publication of documents, geographic location of cases. Cases should be selected such that each case has an equal probability of being sampled, either through simple random sampling or some variation thereof (e.g., stratified random sampling, systematic sampling).  For testing of hypotheses, the number of cases to be selected within this sampling frame should depend upon criteria established to demonstrate an effect or association; i.e., power analysis should be conducted to determine the required sample size. In scientific studies, data are analyzed using appropriate statistical analyses; e.g., in the study of tango origins, where most variables of interest are categories, categorical data analysis should be explored.   

Even when primary sources of information are available, there are certain characteristics of historical research methods that introduce bias, thereby hindering the process of making valid inferences. First, there is the problem of information visibility, i.e., the degree to which information regarding the phenomena of interest is available and accessible. With respect to the current focus of investigation, tango dancing, properties of residence communities, and characteristics of sexual commerce existed in various manifestations and combinations in late 19^th century Buenos Aires; however, written records comprise only a small proportion of the vast expanse of natural circumstances under which these phenomena occurred and concurred.

When information is collected through an interview, there may be inaccurate responses because the interviewee may either attempt to meet the expectations of the interviewer or intentionally try to deceive the interviewer. Communications of resident participants in a culture are often extremely rare and, if available, are subject to misrepresentation in reporting through recall bias, particularly if the time interval between event occurrence and reporting is substantial. Observers of events from outside the cultural milieu also may interpret events differently from what actually occurred (observer bias). Whether relying upon the information received from informants or interpreting the received data themselves, errors of measurement (measurement error) or misclassification of categories of interest may occur.

Outside of the interview process, for researchers who are not directly involved in data collection, but rather in retrieval of previously written accounts of events, the available information selected for analysis may be a nonrandom sample of events. A biased representation of events even can occur by chance in small randomly obtained samples (small sample bias) or for any sample if the selection criteria (i.e., for inclusion of data) do not result in an equal probability of sampling of each occurrence of an event. In some cases, confirmation of a hypothesis may be influenced by a conscious or subconscious intent to select data primarily in support of a hypothesis (confirmation bias or ‘cherry-picking’), a common technique utilized in the popular press. Even if information is obtained in a relatively unbiased manner, the interpretation of conflicting or ambiguous data to support one’s hypothesis may enter into the process of inference (interpretation bias). Even if there are limitations in obtaining unbiased samples of data, at the very least some quantitative analysis (e.g., descriptive statistics) provides context for investigation of relationships between phenomena. However, only if sources of bias have been minimized is hypothesis testing, in the form of inferential statistics, warranted.

The sources of bias addressed here, as well as associated errors in reasoning will be taken into account with respect to the investigations reported in this post, particularly with respect to drawing conclusions regarding the association of tango dancing with prostitution.  

Evaluation of Previous Studies with Respect to Scientific Methodology

Guy (1990), Collier (1995), Labraña & Sebastian (2000), Baim (2007), Gonzalez & Yanes (2013), and Benzecry Sabá (2015) begin their publications with a narrative that describes the (mostly historical) context within which their report develops. Unlike the standard format for scientific investigations, no specific mention is made of the theoretical framework in which their findings are evaluated. As is characteristic of historical research, these studies do not specify the sampling frame from which their data were obtained, do not indicate inclusion or exclusion criteria for selection of information, nor do they delineate their sampling methods for obtaining their cases. Again, as is commonplace in historical research, each of the authors lists their references, usually as support for an assertion or hypothesis (confirmation bias), without presenting contradictory information, or even a statement of the relative frequency of occurrence of phenomena and their alternatives, or the strength of association between circumstances (i.e., quantitative data). Obviously, there are severe limitations on the visibility of historical data where record keeping was absent or sporadic, and the reported information may suffer from observer bias, recall bias, and interviewer effects. Due to a paucity of information available from historical events, small sample bias inadvertently may influence an investigator’s perspective, or a more conscious interpretation bias may solidify false inferences.

Lamas & Binda (2019) list some of their primary sources in the Reconocimiento (Acknowledgements) section preceding the main text, as stated above. They provide numerous direct quotations from primary sources. However, although they state (p 21) that their investigation of primary source documents was long and arduous, suggesting that they conducted an extensive study of primary sources, they do not specify their sampling methods, i.e., their inclusion and exclusions criteria, and their sampling methods for selection of documents within a resultant sampling frame. Sample sizes (i.e., number of documents read from each source) were not stated. Their quotations of documents clearly represent a singular point of view, and it is not known whether all available documentation leads to similar conclusions, which is unlikely, and therefore their selection of documents for quotation could represent confirmation bias (cherry-picking). For example, are reports of academias (or cafes with dancing) all in agreement that there were no facilities onsite for the private distribution of sexual favors? They have stated (p 65) that police reports confused prostitutes with dancers, but it is not clear how Lamas & Binda interpreted these reports (interpretation bias neglecting the possibility of prostitution?). There are virtually no quantitative data presented, and no statistical methods of any kind are presented. Therefore, their investigation does not follow scientific methodology, despite their claims. Notably, they recognize that their research is not intended to generate hypotheses or formulate theory (p 16):

• No hemos confeccionado ninguna teoría; no las sostenemos ni propugnamos. Las teorías no necesitan demostración; esa es la ventaja por la cual suele recurrirse a ellas.
• Tampoco constituye una hipótesis. Si las hay en alguna parte del texto, es a modo de herramienta, nunca una conclusión en sí misma. No podría serlo.
• Qué es entonces el trabajo? Una demonstración de los hechos, basada en una selección de documentos entre el cúmulo de los hallados.

Despite the general lack of adherence to scientific methods of research, among the authors of these tango investigations, there is some awareness of the sources of bias inherent in the data collection procedures.

Baim (p 11) acknowledges the possibilities of recall bias and visibility bias in the data available for investigating the early history of tango:

• The early tango histories – Ferrer, Gesualdo, Matamoro, Rossi, and others – were forced to rely on the memories of an older generation of witnesses and on ephemera from private collections. Much of the primary source material seems to have disappeared, or its location was either not recorded or has changed with the death of the collectors.

Lamas & Binda attribute to other investigators (who do not agree with their point of view) incorrect conclusions due to various sources of bias (without specifically applying the terminology used here), e.g., the apparent misclassification of women dancers in the academias as prostitutes by members of the upper classes (p 60) the police (p 65), and authors of written manuscripts (p 286). The possibility that some of these women were actually prostitutes is not entertained.

Considering these specific limitations, it is apparent that, with regard to adherence to scientific methodology, all of the investigations evaluated in this post are deficient.

The Elephant in the Room: Definition of Tango

If one is to make a claim that tango dancing ‘was born’ in a specific place at a particular point in time, it is necessary to identify what characteristics define tango dancing, in order that its presence can be identified. This is the central problem in pinpointing the time and the place of the origin of tango. Descriptions of late 19^th century dancing labeled as ‘tango’ are sparse and certainly incomplete, often reduced to something like ‘the dance with cortes and quebradas’, but little else. There is no film footage of supposed tango dancing from the late 19^th century that could reveal what tango dancing looked like in that era. The purpose here is not to develop an operational definition of tango dancing, but rather to identify the problems created by not having one.

In the absence of an operational definition, tango dancing has been identified in historical records by the use of the terminology ‘tango’. However, there have been at least three different ways in which the term ‘tango’ has been applied to dancing in the late 19^th century. Collier (1995: p 44), referring to Viejo Tanguero’s report, states:

• Viejo Tanguero’s most serious claim is that in the year 1877 the African-Argentines … improvised a new dance, which they called a ‘tango’ … which embodied something of the style and the movement of the candombe. Couples danced it apart rather than in an embrace. Groups of compadritos … took this ‘tango’ to … the slaughterhouse district and introduced it to the various low-life establishments where dancing took place, incorporating its most conspicuous features into the milonga. 

Certainly the dance of black Argentines danced apart is not the tango danced by couples in contact and apparently, according to Collier’s interpretation of Viejo Tanguero, some of its transformed elements only modified the milonga dance, rather than recreating it immediately as ‘tango’, so neither the black dance nor the transformed milonga identify the birth of a couples dance in an embrace called ‘tango’ (even when assuming the historical account is correct).

Benzecry Sabá (2015: pp 34-35), refers to an 1856 book by North American ballroom dancer instructor Charles Durang that has a chapter on a dance called ‘tango’ with South American origins. From this work, Benzecry Saba concludes (p 35):

• From all of this it is reasonable to suppose that the tango … already carried the stamp of the Rio de la Plata by the mid-nineteenth century … (and) did not originally pertain to the working classes, but rather more likely to the well-to-do, related to the highest modes of dancing of the period.…
• (G)uided by Durang’s text, tango had not yet acquired its characteristic mark. In place of the embrace the dancers maintained hand-held contact, and the gentleman encircled his arm around the waist of the lady ‘as in the tarantella’.

Baim (2007: pp 2, 133ff) also refers to Durang’s 1856 book as providing a description of tango dancing (for North American dancers). Baim also mentions with respect to the theatres of Buenos Aires (p 35):

• Beginning in the 1860s, Spanish zarzuelas were popular and often included the Spanish tango andaluz. 

However, placing the issue of tango recognition into perspective, Baim (p 46) notes that the tango dance of the 1880s probably would be unrecognizable as ‘tango’ by contemporary standards. 

Benzecry Sabá discusses the tango andaluz as predating the existence of tango dancing in the academias:

• (T)he tango andaluz would arrive in Buenos Aires by way of zarzuela troupes sometime around the middle or near the end of the century. But we can also assume that before it did, the socioeconomic crisis in Spain, along with the independence movements in the Americas, attracted some of those gaditanos to Buenos Aires, where they brought their own tango and contributed to the creation of the dance. (p 14)
• According to Carlos Vega … ‘Argentine tango is the porteño continuation of the Andalusian tango’, which enjoyed its greatest popularity ‘from 1855-1875, if not before’. However, Vega categorically denies that Andalusian tango was ever danced in the city. (p 29)

Collier (1995: p 42) asserts:

• A Spanish version of the habanera was given the name tango andaluz … and this, too, became well known in the second half of the nineteenth century, though as a form of popular song rather than as a dance. In the 1880s and 1890s both the sung habanera and the tango andaluz … were popularized in Buenos Aires by visiting Spanish theatre troops.

Whether or not Andalusian tango was danced in social dance halls, in lacking the embrace and cortes and quebradas of the tango of the lower class barrios, it appears unlikely to have been a direct predecessor of the social tango danced in a (closed) embrace that survived into and prospered in the 20^th century; the latter is the tango of interest here, the one that is reputed to have originated in the brothels, or perhaps in the conventillos.

The challenges in making this assessment of the origins of tango, based on the difficulties of definition, have been addressed by Lamas & Binda (2019) in their quotes cited above (pp 46, 282), stating that the characteristics of the nascent tango and when it first occurred are unknown. In this vein, Lamas & Binda declare (p 97) that at the end of the 19^th century there was dance called tango, but nobody knew exactly what it was:

• A fines del siglo XIX hubo un fenómino llamado tango, el cual nadie sabe en la actualídad exactamente qué era.

However, in considering the process of the evolution of tango which, arguably, had as its ancestral contributory components the milonga, habanera, polka, mazurka, schottische, and Andalusian tango, as well as, indirectly, the candombe (Collier pp 40, 44-46; Benzecry Sabá pp 27-30), it is apparent that the lines differentiating these dances, as danced socially, were somewhat indistinct. Benzecry Sabá states (p 38, quoted above) that in the academias of mid 19^th century Buenos Aires polka, mazurka, schottische, and habanera, as well the ‘primitive tango’, were all danced. However, the step repertoires of the dances were not well developed and not well differentiated (Benzecry Sabá pp 35, 40). Even the cortes and quebradas, attributed to adoption with modification from black Argentine dances (Collier pp 45-46), and often designated as identifiers of tango dancing, apparently were already part of the dance repertoire of mazurka, polka, and milonga prior to any reputed birth of tango as a unique dance (Benzecry Sabá pp 39, 48).     

If one is to trust these accounts, the image that emerges is one of uneducated (but not necessarily unskilled) dancers, each of whom had their own step repertoires that they mixed in some combination for each musical genre. Even if at one place at one point in time it would have been possible to declare that ‘tango has arrived’, one cannot escape the recognition that the process of evolution of the tango dance was gradual and indistinct, not a pinpointable event like the birth of a child and therefore the issue of the identifying a time and place for the birth of tango is moot.

Given the incompleteness and unreliability of the information available for ascertaining the environmental conditions under which the early tango evolved, serious scholars would find considerably greater resolution exploring other areas of tango history or, at the very least, clearly maintain early tango history within the shroud of obscurity that legitimately envelops it.

What, then, can be stated regarding the association of the primordial tango dance with prostitution, something that has piqued the interest of tango aficionados and detractors for more than a century?

Drawing Inferences from Previous Studies of Tango Origins

There are inherent biases in historical data. There were considerably more actions and circumstances that occurred during an era than were recorded (low information visibility). Informants from the subculture examined may not have described accurately their experiences (recall bias), particularly if a significant period of time had elapsed since their occurrence. The recorders of information often were not participants in the social milieu, resulting in some lack of understanding of the context in which particular actions occurred (observer bias). This misinformation could have been magnified if the reporters of information were from a different social class or ethnic origin. Some reporters were likely to have harbored prejudices against the observed stratum of society, which (consciously or subconsciously) colored their perspective (interpretation bias). All of these sources of bias were likely to have contributed to an inaccurate perspective on early tango history.

Due to deficiencies in the available historical data and the lack of methodological rigor, the investigations of tango dancing in Buenos Aires during the late 19^th century reported here do not permit drawing inferences regarding the time and place of tango origins with high levels of confidence. Nevertheless, an examination of some of the individual factors hypothesized to be associated with tango origins, as reported by these studies, allows for some fine tuning of the previously stated hypotheses which may lead to further study that can better illuminate the landscape in which social tango dancing originated. This perspective needs to be tempered with a recognition of a significant remaining degree of uncertainty, some elements of which never may be resolved.

The study by Guy (1990) of prostitution in late 19^th century Buenos Aires, based on evidence derived from government documents, indicates that prostitution was widespread, both in legal and unlicensed manifestations, particularly in the poorer outer barrios where tango dancing was identified.

All of the studies reported here recognize the existence of academias / peringundines in the lower class barrios in late 19^th century Buenos Aires, in which the popular dances of the era were danced. However, there are several aspects of the status of these dance halls about which there is disagreement. Guy (1990), Collier (1995), Baim (2007), Gonzalez & Yanes (2013), and Benzecry Sabá (2015) all assert, with some slight degree of uncertainty, that at least some prostitutes, who were hired as dancers, advertised their trade in at least some of the academias, although there is a lack of strong evidence (i.e., from primary sources) indicating that sexual commerce occurred on the premises; however, there is some evidence for the existence of houses of prostitution in the vicinity of some academias.

It is reasonable to claim that a dance called ‘tango’ was danced in the academias no later than the latter decades of the 19^th century, although an exact date (of ‘birth’, so to speak) cannot be ascertained from the available data. There is insufficient evidence to determine whether tango dancing originated in the academias or elsewhere, e.g., on the patios of the conventillos or in the street dances. The argument that tango andaluz, the ‘tango’ of the theatre, was a predecessor of the social couples dance called ‘tango’ that gave rise to the popular 20^th century social tango, appears to lack sufficient validity.

Specifically, regarding tango dancing in the brothels, it is reported by Lamas & Binda that brothels in late 19^th century Buenos Aires were highly regulated and dancing therein was illegal; likewise, they assert there was no prostitution in the academias (which would classify them as clandestinos). However, they do not cite cases of police action directed towards establishments where dancing and prostitution coexisted. It is difficult to imagine that there were no transgressions of this kind, otherwise laws would not have been enacted to prevent them. Guy emphasizes that academias were a form of clandestine brothel, an attempt to avoid paying high licensing fees for legalized sexual commerce, and that police acted to fine or close down clandestinos or arrest violators. Lamas & Binda state that toleration of the concurrence of prostitution with dancing would be a dereliction of police duty, but it is difficult to believe that 19^th century Buenos Aires police would not accept protection money or favors of some kind to permit their coexistence, or perhaps they were too busy to react to every complaint or be able to detect all violations of the law. In other words, it is difficult to believe that there were no dance halls where sexual commerce did not take place.

Lamas & Binda contend that the profitability of houses of prostitution depended on sexual commerce and the allocation of space to dancing interfered with that enterprise. This is an economic argument, but no economic data are presented to support it (because they are unavailable). Their position also does not take into account the high cost of licensing fees for brothels, and the difficulty of recruiting sex workers if frequent testing for venereal disease was required; it also ignores the attractiveness of close dancing as a prelude to sexual activity. These are all variables in the economic analysis of the profitability of alternative forms of prostitution.

Lamas & Binda claim there was no evidence of the existence of private facilities for the provision of sexual favors within academias, but given the large number of academias operating in late 19^th century Buenos Aires, it is unlikely there is sufficient documentation available to determine that no academias had facilities for the exercise of sexual commerce. A significant problem with the line of argument of Lamas & Binda is that their position is too extreme; i.e., they state that there is no evidence for the concurrence of prostitution and tango dancing. This implies there is there is an inhibitory factor that prevents the coexistence of tango dancing and prostitution. Law enforcement could provide the mechanism for this exclusion but, as stated above, the law appears to have been incompletely effective.

Lamas & Binda apparently rely on the weak argument that ‘absence of evidence is evidence of absence‘. However, this line of reasoning is only as strong as the thoroughness of sampling of the population; a single case can disprove their contention of lack of coexistence of tango dancing and prostitution. Rather than stating that there was no prostitution in association with tango dancing, a more reasonable line of argument, given the evidence they present, would be to hypothesize that tango dancing was less likely to be associated with prostitution than expected from a random association; i.e., in statistical terms, there was a negative correlation between these phenomena, not that tango dancing did not exist at all in conjunction with prostitution.

The conclusions of Lamas & Binda are in contrast to all other investigations reported here (and at least several additional investigative reports preceding them with less rigorous methodology) and therefore their report demands scrutiny. Nevertheless, Lamas & Binda raise some critical issues regarding the validity of prior (and subsequent) investigations of the origins of tango, particularly with respect to their reliance on secondary rather than primary sources of information. The conclusions that can be drawn from the opposing views of these investigations is the following. There is insufficient evidence supporting the position that tango dancing was a common feature within legal houses of prostitution; i.e., their concurrence, if it did occur within this type of establishment, was less frequent than expected by chance. However, with respect to the existence of sexual commerce within the academias, although there is some evidence indicating that sexual commerce was associated with this type of establishment, at present there are insufficient data to infer with a high degree of confidence that there existed a significant positive association. Tango dancing and prostitution existed in the same neighborhood, but it is not possible to determine from the available evidence whether they actually coexisted within the same business establishments greater or less than expected by chance.

Assuming the popular conception of an association of tango dancing with prostitution has a weak foundation, the question arises as to how this belief became so widespread. Consider that in late 19^th century Buenos Aires there were largely independent sociocultural spheres based on social class and ethnicity, with barriers in communication between these spheres due to differences in language (e.g., castellano vs. immigrant tongue or lunfardo) and concomitant social class niche separation, as well as differences in literacy and sources of information. These barriers acted as filters of information about cultural practices diffusing between these sociocultural spheres in a complete and accurate representation, particularly from lower class to higher class populations. Upper class opinion influencers (journalists etc.) were likely to reinterpret the biased information received regarding lower class behavior within their own socioculturally influenced worldview and, in this manner, an altered characterization of lower class practices likely emerged. Specifically with respect to tango and sexual commerce, there is credible evidence that prostitutes were employed as dancers in academias and that there were houses of prostitution in the vicinity of academias. It is not a significant leap in inference to conclude that the dancers in the academias lured men from the academias to the nearby brothels, and thereby a connection between tango dancing and sexual commerce was established, ignoring any change in venue of activity. (If true, this transition may be an insignificant point in refutation of the connection between these activities and therefore breathe some credibility into the tango – brothel association assertion.) The facility with which information regarding this connection flowed into the message generating journalistic class may have been enhanced by the accounts of nocturnal pleasure excursions of upper class young men into lower class barrios who, for the sake of parsimony in communication, may have neglected to detail the transitional steps in the process from dance to sexual fulfillment. Any initial impression of tango dancing being en route to copulation may have been reinforced by los niños bien importing prostitutes from the lower class barrios as dancers and sex partners for their (reported) dance parties in their own neighborhoods, events which were unlikely to go unnoticed by upper class journalists and other purveyors of cultural messaging. Much of this is indeed speculation, although based upon information presented by the investigators of tango origins examined in this post.

The claim that tango dancing was not directly associated with sexual commerce in late 19^th century Buenos Aires is not only in opposition to commonly held beliefs regarding tango, but also contradicts the conclusions of many scholarly investigators of early tango history. Therefore, the disassociation of tango dancing from prostitution may be a difficult concept to accept among many who are interested in tango origins, notwithstanding the existence of a cadre of tango aficionados who wish to sanitize the history of tango due to their own internal prejudices. The state of affairs postulated here is that the evidence available from the documentation of the period, due to its inherent biases in accurately representing the spectrum of behavior, fails to demonstrate a significant positive association of tango dancing with sexual commerce, i.e., coexisting in time and location, nor does it adequately indicate a significant negative association. Due to a paucity of reliable information providing an unbiased perspective it is unlikely this dilemma will ever be resolved with certainty or satisfaction.

The issue of the site of origin of tango contains even greater complexity. Other dances that were probably danced in the academias (e.g. polka, mazurka, habanera) likely were danced elsewhere prior to their incorporation into the repertoire of dances in the academias, but it is possible that tango, which apparently adopted features from all of these dances (either directly or through inheritance from its possible predecessor milonga), formed first through the interaction among these dances in the academias. However, given the lack of descriptions of the manner of dancing in the academias and elsewhere during this era, as well as a foundational inability or unwillingness to agree upon an operational definition of tango dancing, it is unlikely that the time and place of origin of tango dancing will ever be resolved.

One should note the use of probabilistic terms such as ‘likely’, ‘apparently’, and ‘possible’ in the previous paragraphs. What is most certain is that in late 19^th century Buenos Aires there were brothels, academias, and conventillos, and that at some point there was tango, but the existence of tango dancing in legal houses of prostitution is questionable or, at best, rare, and that the claim of the origin of tango in the brothels is not supported by the evidence and is unlikely to ever be resolved with any reasonable degree of certainty. Therefore, it would be more honest in presenting the historical origins of tango to the public to refrain from claiming its origin was in the brothels or, for that matter, in the conventillos. However, given the ‘sex appeal’ of the brothel origin account, it is unlikely that this unsubstantiated claim will disappear from the tango economic sphere anytime soon.

References in Print

Andrews, George Reid (1980)- The Afro-Argentines of Buenos Aires, 1800-1900. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison, Wisconsin.

Baim, Jo (2007)- Tango: Creation of a Cultural Icon. Indiana University Press; Bloomington, Indiana.

Benzecry Sabá, Gustavo (2015)- The Quest for the Embrace: The History of Tango Dance (1800-1983). Abrazos; Buenos Aires.

Borges, Jorge Luis (1955)- Historia del Tango, reprinted in translation as A History of the Tango, pp 131-148, in Di Giovanni, Norman Thomas (1970)- Evaristo Carriego; E.P. Dutton, New York.

Collier, Simon (1995)- The Tango is Born: 1880s – 1920s; pp 18–64 in Simon Collier, ed. – ¡Tango! The Dance, the Song, the Story. Thames and Hudson; London.

Gonzalez, Mike & Yanes, Marianella (2013)- Tango: Sex and Rhythm of the City. Glasgow; Bell and Bain.

Guy, Donna J (1990)- Sex and Danger in Buenos Aires: Prostitution, Family, and Nation in Argentina. University of Nebraska Press; Lincoln, Nebraska.

Labraña, Luis & Sebastian, Ana (2000)- Tango: Una Historia. Corregidor; Buenos Aires.

Lamas, Hugo & Binda, Enrique (2019)- El Tango en la Sociedad Porteña 1880 – 1920, 3^rd ed. Abrazos; Buenos Aires.